1. Till now in India, the curse of insurgency had been restricted to the fringe regions such as Jammu & Kashmir and the North Eastern states. But there are clear indications of Left Wing Extremism spilling all over the nation's interior regions. The ghastly killings, landmine blasts, extortion and abductions by the People's War Group (PWG) in Andhra Pradesh and adjoining tribal belts of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa have started bleeding the country in the heartland itself. The gory incidents, showing a steady upward graph have an ominous message. Similar brutal acts are being increasingly perpetrated in Bihar and Jharkhand by members of the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). Affiliated terrorist organisations are also active in strategic North Bengal, a vital link to our North Eastern states and bordering Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. There are clear pointers proving that these two anti national armed organisations are working together.
2. Expansion and Consolidation. LWE is a story of splits and mergers of various groups. By an estimate, there are approximately 100 groups and parties which believe in communist ideology, and 39 of them being armed, however, the two most prominent groups which have more than 80 per cent following among the cadres are the Peoples War Group (PWG) and Maoist Communist Centre (India) . The two groups have some major ideological differences, yet in order to have greater influence and bargaining power, they decided to unite to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). By this merger on 21 Sep 2005, the CPI (Maoist) has virtually come to symbolize LWE in India. By current estimates, it has spread to 125 districts of 13 states in varying degrees. It is estimated that CPI (Maoist) has approximately 7,000 cadres of which nearly 2000 are hard core and well trained in military/guerrilla warfare. They have approximately 6500 weapons of all types ranging from LMGs, 2" mortars, AK 47s, SLRs and even country made weapons. In the past few years, they have mastered the art of making Improvised Explosive Devices (lEDs) and using them successfully against the police and PMF. [15]
5. A total of 125 districts in 13 states are today affected by Left Wing Extremism influence in varying degrees. Out of these, 52 districts are highly affected, 16 moderately and balance 57 districts are marginally affected. Further, 25 -27 districts are being targeted by Left Wing Extremism groups for expansion. The No of districts affected state wise is as given below [16] : -
(a) Andhra Pradesh - 23 (g) Orissa - 07
(b) Bihar - 26 (h) Maharashtra - 06
(c) Jharkhand - 17 (j) Madhya Pradesh - 03
(d) Chhattisgarh - 08 (k) Uttar Pradesh - 04
(e) West Bengal - 15 (l) Karnataka - 10
(f) Tamil Nadu - 04 (m) Kerala - 01
(n) Uttaranchal - 01
3. Compact Revolutionary Zone. The emergence of the red corridor spreading from Nepal to Tamil Nadu is a disturbing sign and needs to be taken very seriously. This area is characterized by Thick Jungles, mostly Tribal Belts, underdeveloped, contiguous and above all is spread over nearly 13 states of the country . This region has the area of Ambhujmadh in the Dandkaranya region of South Central part of the Country. The region has extremely thick jungles and covers an area of 10,000 sq kms, inhabited by tribals of various tribes who are living an extremely primitive existence. It is interesting to know that as per available records, even the Britishers did not carry out the survey of the area and left this as an un -surveyed jungle area. Till date, this area has not been surveyed and the writ of the govt does not run in the region. The purpose of the CRZ is to facilitate easy transportation of arms across their areas of influence and quick retreat to safe havens during times of intense security force operations in any part of the CRZ. The pattern of Maoist violence in the last few years suggests that the expansion of Naxal violence in the Indian hinterland and along the border areas is broadly in conformity with the concept of the CRZ. The creation of this 'Red Corridor' will have serious internal security implications, as this would not only result in an area of disorder from Nepal in the north to Tamil Nadu in the south, but would also have the potential to cause instability in other areas in the Indian hinterland. [17]
4. The Left Wing Extremists taking advantage of the prevailing conditions have large scale presence in the region and consider it as a Liberated Zone. There reportedly are training and rest and relief camps of the CPI (M) in this region. It is estimated that even Maoists from Nepal are using these camps for training their cadres and imparting training training to Naxalite cadres.
5. Favourable Trn - Jungles and Hills. The areas selected by the Naxalites spreading from Nepal to Tamil Nadu is a thickly forested area comprising of many jungles and hills. This makes the task of the Naxalites easier and of police forces living in city and plain areas that much more difficult. The lack of roads and communication facilities further helps the Naxalites to evade any meaningful police action as the police force is largely restricted by the extent of roads available. A common feature of these areas is to resist even the genuine attempts of development as they perceive it as a potential threat, since good road communication would increase the reach of the police forces.
6. Financial Support. No organization can survive without sound financial support and source of regular income to run the organization. By rough estimates, the CPI (M) generates approx 500 -700 crore rupees annually. This money is spent on payment to its cadres (Each hardcore cadre is paid Rs. 1,000/- per month), purchase of arms and ammunition, running of frontal organisations and institutions. The main source of funds is through wealthy industrialists who carry out mining in these areas. Govt contractors who get licence for developmental work and forest produce like timber and biomass products, govt agencies and officials, extortion, looting of banks and collecting taxes. As long as the finances are on the rise, the organization will always find means and motivation to grow and spread its influence. [18]
7. The Naxal movement though ideologically driven with the CPI(Maoist) being the dominant group pan India, varies considerably from State to State [19] . This variance is due to a host of factors, the prominent being the different backdrops to the problem, socio-economic parameters, cultural ethos, State Policy, terrain etc to name a few. The State wise profile is covered highlighting these issues to give a broader perspective/vista of the vexed problem.
Karnataka
8. Naxal activity in Karnataka, subdued through police crackdown, implementation of rehabilitation schemes in border districts and infighting has resurfaced . Naxal menace, earlier confined to Raichur and Tumkur districts bordering Andhra Pradesh (AP), has now spread its tentacles to the Western Ghats. The frequent police encounters with Naxalites in Udupi district has brought to the fore the growing influence of Naxals in Kudremukh National Park (KNP) area spread over three districts- Udupi, Dakshina Kannada and Chikmagalur. These naxalites also get logistic support from Andhra Pradesh based PWG outfits and are suspected to be operating in Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Chikmagalur, and Shimoga districts. The main reason behind the westward movement of Naxalites in the state could be the continued neglect of tribals in the Kudremulh National Park (KNP) area by authorities and other socio-economic disparities. Frequent police operations in AP-Karnataka border after the assassination attempt on AP Chief Minister could be another factor. [20]
9. The extremist outfits have adroitly exploited the discontentment among the tribals of the region. The "ruthless" imposition of park rules on tribal groups who have been living inside the park limits for 200 years helped the outfit to set up a base with the support of the tribals. For the past 10 years, young members of over 1,350 families having dwellings in the newly allotted park area in Belthangady taluk have protested against the Forest Department's move to evict them. Recently, the Forest Department, with the support of the Revenue Department, threatened to evict farmers from KNP limits. The departments also asked them to pay fines for encroaching on government land and warned them that if they do not leave the park, they will be treated on par with poachers.
10. Quite a few organizations which believe in revolutionary ideologies have taken up the cause of tribals after the latter were served with eviction notices by the State Forest Department. These organisations have carried out a massive propaganda among the tribals and villagers in the national park not to part with their land at any cost. The PWG rejects parliamentary democracy and believes in capturing political power through protracted armed struggle. This strategy entails building up bases in rural and remote areas by convincing the victimized and poor people of exploitation by the government or landlords. The Naxalites have even made a caste-wise and class-wise analysis and identified potential supporters.
11. In Raichur district, the Naxal leaders began their activities about 15 years ago by taking cognizance of the local situation. The villages here were facing atrocities like ill treatment of Dalits, bonded labour, land grabbing and cheating by landlords. In the name of Pragathipara Vidyarthi Kendra (PVK) and the Karnataka Raitha Coolie Sangha (KRCS), the Naxal leaders began to attract people by resolving their problems and gaining their confidence. Praja panchayats is another mechanism through which the Naxals are luring the villagers. In Tumkur district, some groups like Praja Guerrilla Dalam (squad) have become popular with the people of the area through their social welfare programmes like building water tanks, distributing groundnut seeds etc.
Bihar
12. The seeds of the Naxal movement in Bihar were sown as early as 1967 in Ekwari village in the Sahar Block of Bhojpur district. Jagdish Mahato, a local school teacher who had alleged links with naxal leaders from West Bengal, led a protracted struggle against exploitive landlords. Since then 38 years have passed and the movement has spread to as many as 30 districts in Bihar. The worst affected area is the region known as Central Bihar. The area comprises 14 districts viz Patna, Gaya, Nalanda, Jahanabad, Aurangabad, Arwal, Nawada, Rohtas, Bhojpur, Buxar, Munger, Jamui, Shaikhpura and Lakhisarai. Apart from these traditional strongholds, the CPI (Maoist) is increasingly making its presence felt in the northern districts of West Champaran, East Champaran, Sheohar, Sitamarhi, Siwan, Madhubani, Muzzaffarpur and Darbangha, neighbouring Maoist-affected areas in Nepal. [21]
13. The Naxal Movement in Bihar, as in other naxal infested states in India, entered a new phase after the merger of People,s War and Maoist Communist Centre resulting in the formation of Communist Party Of India (Maoist). Another factor responsible for the growth of naxal movement in different areas of Bhojpur, Jehanabad, Gaya and Patna is the weakening of Ranvir Sena particularly after the arrest of its founder Barmeswar Singh on August 29, 2002.
14. As per the recent report of the Ministry of home Affairs, Government of India, naxal violence in Bihar has increased significantly by over 29 per cent. A new trend is the direct attack on the police by Naxals, which has escalated the death toll of police personnel. Unqualified lack of human development, a collapsing State administrative mechanism, and non existent infrastructure, are the primary reasons, which have facilitated the growth of naxal movement in Bihar.
15. Governance . It is the fate of Bihar that since long it is deprived of credible governance where people in rural areas continue to lead a miserable life characterized by deprivation, insecurity, strife and struggle. In the prevailing atmosphere of terror and violence, development activity has come to a standstill. Naxal leadership though making strong claims of fighting for the rights of the poor have so far remained apathetic in enhancing the quality of life in villages, arguing that all reforms have to follow the revolution. To them development is an adversary to revolutionary consciousness. Despite the enormous growth of naxal violence in Bihar, the government is yet to come out with a proper response. After every major Naxal attack, the government comes up with a succession of adhoc and emergency measures which only results in worsening the situation. The political and administrative leadership must realize that they cannot allow large-scale break down of criminal justice system in the state for long. At the same time the state must address core issues of land reforms, caste dynamics, criminalisation of politics and corrupt administrative practices. However, the good thing is there is a growing sense of tiredness among the people with regard to the excessive use of violence in the name of up-liftment of the poor by the naxals. The government cannot afford to ignore this development. It has now a double responsibility of winning over the people and to establish its credibility.
Jharkhand
16. Since its inception in November 2000, Jharkhand has become a "laboratory" for the Naxals - a place for experimenting with the idea of establishing a parallel system of governance. The Naxals have transformed 16 out of the 22 districts of the state into a 'guerrilla zone'. They include Garhwa, Palamau, Chatra, Hazaribagh, Giridih, Bokaro, Ranchi, Latehar, Lohardaga, Gumla, Simdega, East Singhbhum, West Singhbhum, Dhanbad, Seraikela-Kharsawan and Koderma. Of late, they have spread their atrocities to Dumka, Deogarh, Jamtara and Godda. Naxal violence in Jharkhand has claimed the lives of nearly 700 people so far, which includes over 200 policemen.
17. The Naxal movement in Jharkhand is not limited to armed operations; its manifestations are found in a parallel system of governance that includes elected village bodies, Jan Adalats and a 'peoples police'. Economic blockades and bandh calls are other examples revealing the helplessness of the state. The Naxals are running a parallel system in the villages of Jharkhand with their own system of taxation. The People's Guerrilla Army (PGA) - military wing of Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) - is entrusted with enforcing Naxal rule and implementing their terror plan.
18. Denial of justice is the most important reason that has resulted in the establishment of a parallel judiciary in Jharkhand. However, the primary difference between the Naxal kangaroo courts and the subordinate judiciary is the time and cost factor. While the common people have no way of reaching the existing judicial system, the kangaroo courts reach the deprived sections of society. The Naxals are the sole arbiters of disputes related to jal (water), joru (wife), and zameen (land).
19. Recent developments in Jharkhand suggest a definite rejuvenation and re-consolidation of the Naxal cadres. The CPI (Maoist) is now on a massive membership drive, especially from rural parts of Ranchi, West Singhbhum, Dhanbad, Palamau, and Garwah. Naxals in Jharkhand are also targeting children between 10 to 15 years age group to include them in their fold and use them to keep a watch on police movements. [22]
20. Why has this sudden escalation in Naxal violence occurred? Earlier, there was a ban on the MCC and PWG, but the CPI (Maoist) that came into existence after the merger of the two parties has never been banned. The state government is using this ambiguity to hide its failures. At the same time, the Union Government's reluctance to formulate a uniform policy for handling Naxal violence across the country is largely responsible for the violence in Jharkhand. The ban imposed the neighbouring Chhatisgarh has led to considerable Naxal influx into Jharkhand, which is one way of explaining the sudden increase of Naxal activities in the state.
21. Operation Eagle, Operation X, Operation Shikhar, Operation Hill Top, and Operation Black Thunder are the offensive measures launched by the police from time to time, but none of them has provided the expected result. The problem lies somewhere else, people's faith in the government is lacking. It is not the number of Naxals, but the popular support to them that is the main challenge before the Jharkhand government. Lack of motivation in the state police and serious allegations of human rights violations by the CRPF personnel deployed in the Naxal infested areas are the grey areas where government needs to focus. The much talked about socio-economic programmes need a comprehensive review. Success of the government's military efforts depends on the evolution of a strategy where tribes are not the victims, but partners in the process of development.
Orissa
22. Led by the maverick Nagbhushan Pattnaik, the echoes of Spring Thunder were felt in different pockets of Orissa as early as 1968. However, it is during the past two decades that the Naxal movement gained momentum and strengthened its position. Prior to their merger, the Peoples War Group (PWG) was already a force to reckon with in the districts of Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangapur, Rayagada, Gajapati, and Ganjam; where as the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) was largely visible in Sundargarh, Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar. After the formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist), the Naxal movement spread to different parts of Sambalpur, Kandhamal, Deogarh, Jharsuguda, Jajpur and Angul. Presently, there are three zonal committees of CPI (Maoist) functioning in Orissa i.e. Andhra-Orissa Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC), Jharkhand-Bihar-Orissa Special Zonal Committee (JBOBSZC) and Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DSZC).
23. No single reason can be attributed for this metamorphic growth of Naxal movement in Orissa. However, the upsurge of Naxalism in Orissa reveals that today's explosive situation is largely designed by a continuous process of underdevelopment. As per the recent Planning Commission statistics, Orissa has 48 per cent poverty. This means that 17 million people are living below the poverty line. The Naxal stronghold of Rayagada, Koraput, Malkangiri, and Nabarangpur falls under the KBK region where a number of special programmes are in operation but poverty refuses to subside. During 2003-2004 and 2004-2005, a sum of Rs 500 crore was released for KBK as Special Central Assistance. Government reports indicate that the money was spent; yet these districts figures among 150 of the most backward districts in the country as identified by the Planning Commission. On the other hand, the tribal districts of Sundargarh and Keonjhar which have a high concentration of mining resources and sponge iron units, did not contribute to growth, other then pollution and rise of the mining mafia. [23]
24. Asymmetric Resource Utilisation . Nature has bestowed Orissa with plenty of natural and mineral resources. The state is blessed with 99 per cent Chromate ore, 92 per cent of Nickel ore, 65 per cent of Graphite and Pyrophylite, 66 per cent of Bauxite, 31 per cent of Mineral sand, 32 per cent of Manganese, 28 per cent of Iron ore and 24 per cent of coal resources of the country. Yet, Orissa is one of the poorest states in the country. Ironically, the under developed, Naxal infested western and southern belts of Orissa are the storehouse of most mines and mineral deposits of the state. Over the years, several industries - big and small - as well as irrigation projects have come up in these areas. The cruel reality of the ill thought out development strategy in resettlement operations in Orissa resulted in the majority of inhabitants ending up with lower incomes; less land than before; less work opportunities, inferior housing; less access to the resources of the commons such as fuel-wood and fodder; and worse nutrition and physical and mental health.
25. Sustenance . The Naxal movement has sustained itself because it revolves around the life of marginalized people of the state. Taking advantage of the acute poverty and rampant corruption in these remote corners of Orissa, the Naxals have shown them the dream of a revolution. The Orissa government has not come out with any concrete programme to deal with the Naxal menace. It is high time that the government must realize that the Naxals have come to represent a serious internal security problem. Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Chhatisgarh have clamped a ban of CPI (Maoist) where as the Orissa government has neither banned nor engaged the Naxals in talks. As a result of the ban in the neighbouring states, the Naxals have largely shifted their base to the southern districts of Orissa.
Maharashtra
26. Although the Naxal movement in Maharashtra is not recognized, the Maoists have carved out a guerrilla zone in the underdeveloped tribal area of eastern Maharashtra in the last two decades. It was during the 1980s that the Naxals entered from neighbouring Andhra Pradesh with the slogan 'liberation against state repression'. They managed to establish rapport with the local poverty stricken tribals by regularly visiting their villages. While the Naxals were making inroads into eastern Maharashtra, the government was terming them as the 'spill over effect' from Andhra Pradesh. Today, there are fifteen dalams working in Maharashtra, among which the Platoon dalam, Tipagarh dalam and Khobramendha dalam are the most vicious; using LMGs and other sophisticated weapons. The CPI (Maoist) has around 250 full time armed cadres and a strong contingent of 3,000 local supporters.
27. Gadchiroli has become the Red bastion in Maharashtra, whereas Chandrapur, Gondiya, Yavatmal, Bhandara and Nanded districts are declared "Naxal prone areas". All these districts are situated adjoining to the Naxal-infested regions of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh. Apart from this favourable geographical setting, the economic backwardness and undulating terrain of these districts are fertile grounds for Left extremism.
28. The Ministry of Home Affairs' Annual Report (2004-05) registers an alarming 15 per cent increase in Naxal violence in Maharashtra during 2004. The Naxals have been systematically choosing their targets and spreading their area of operation. The Naxals have targeted security personnel, but what is surprising is their sustained attack on the Panchayat Raj institutions. This shows that they do not want people to taste political power as they are apprehensive that it might bridge the gap between the government and the people. The Andhra fiasco in 2005 had its impact in Maharashtra, evident from the arrests of Naxalites and their sympathizers from previously Naxal-free districts such as Yavatmal and Wardha in Vidarbha and Aurangabad in Marathwada. A firearm manufacturing unit was unearthed in Nagpur. [24]
29. The tribals are caught in the crossfire between the police and the Naxalites. In and around Gadchiroli, police records show that more than 80 per cent of the people killed are tribals. Gadchiroli is one of the least developed districts in Maharashtra where the poorest of the poor live amidst extreme violence and abject poverty. The Vidarbha region has also witnessed highest number of suicides among the farmers . Although these deaths are not related to the problem of Naxalism, the Naxals have used this situation to win over the disgruntled farmers by criticising the failure of the state government to rescue farmers.
30. For decades, Naxalism has remained relevant because it embodies a response to socio-political and economic wrongs. But the Naxal presence has made development non existent. It is ironical that in the name of revolution, Naxals are collecting money, but government funds meant for tribal and rural development remain unspent or fall into the wrong hands. It must be realized that this is a political problem and needs to be solved politically. People in this area have never obtained political empowerment. The government must find ways to empower the marginalized sections of its population as this would provide equitable economic growth which is the best way to deal with the Naxal slogan of "people's war for people's government."
Andhra Pradesh
31. The Red Cradle . Though left wing extremism in India owes its name to Naxalbari in West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh is the red cradle that nurtured the movement and serves as the guerrilla movement's main base. The Naxal movement in Andhra Pradesh started in the late sixties in the 'Agency Area' (tribal-inhabited forests) of the Srikakulam district. It was only after the formation of the Peoples War Group (PWG), by K. Seetharamaiah on 22 April 1980, that Andhra Pradesh became the Maoist hub of India. The state entered yet another phase of armed rebellion with the merger of the PWG and MCC to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in 2004. As many as 19 out of the state's 23 districts have been declared as naxal infested areas. The organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) includes six military platoons, 28 area committees, 66 local guerrilla squads and 16 action teams. Along with the CPI (Maoist) State Committee there are three Special Zonal Committees covering the strategic areas around the Godavari River, North Telangana, Dandakaranya and Andhra-Orissa Border. [25]
32. Naxal violence has so far in Andhra Pradesh claimed more than 6,000 lives in the last two and a half decades. 2005 was the bloodiest year with about 320 deaths in the state. The much hyped cease fire, peace process and talks during the year only served to expose the weakness and un preparedness of the government, which totally misread the ground situation and gave primacy to electoral issues over national security issues. The whole exercise was divorced from reality as both sides were not serious when they came to the negotiating table.
33. Political Jockeying . Successive governments in Andhra Pradesh have used naxalism as a poll plank. An undeclared pattern has emerged where the incumbent government starts with passionate slogans to seek a peaceful and political resolution, but moves on to use force swiftly. Rajasekhar Reddy came to power with slogans of economic development. But the ground situation today reveals that counter naxal measures are related to Police measures rather than Economic development. This provided the Naxals with favourable conditions to consolidate and expand their movement. N. T. Rama Rao started with a romantic 'Laal Salaam' only to end with a statement of 'bombarding the naxal infested areas.'
34. On the other hand, naxal politics in the state mostly revolve around rural and land related issues. In the name of revolution, they have linked structural injustice and violence. In fact, after the merger of the MCC and PWG, a new pattern of naxal violence has emerged. Previously the ultras rarely killed innocent civilians, but their merger has resulted in larger killing of innocents. By resorting to violent means the naxals also seek to establish a link between underdevelopment and violence, which is illogical. In this tussle between violence and counter violence, a vicious nexus between bureaucrats, politicians, contractors and naxals have emerged, making naxalism a lucrative business.
Uttaranchal
35. Naxalism is a relatively new phenomenon to the State. However, the close proximity of the State to the Maoist affected regions of Nepal, the relative under development of the border areas, scanty State machinery and the difficult terrain poses a lucrative breeding ground for the Naxal ideology. No incident of violence was reported from the State during the year, however, reports indicate concerted efforts by the CPI (Maoist) to establish a foothold in the Districts of Champawat, Nainital, Almora and Pithoragarh.
Tamil Nadu
36. Tamil Nadu is the only State which has witnessed a decline in the area of influence of Naxalites in the country. The State has not witnessed any major incident of Naxal violence during the last four years except for some arrests of the suspected remnants by the State police. However, possibility of Naxal groups moving into Dharmapuri-Krishnagiri region due to the pressure of SF operations in the neighbouring affected regions of AP and Karnataka cannot be ruled out. This has been corroborated by some inputs indicating that Naxals are spreading to the MM Hills and Satyamangalam Forest area of TN - Kerala and Karnataka border and are also probably indulging in smuggling of sandalwood to fund their activities.
37. State Policy on Naxalism. The State Government has adopted the twin policy of tackling the security threat and simultaneously implementing development programmes. The State banned the CPI(Maoist) on 12 Jul 05 as the previous ban imposed was applicable only to CPML (PW). This move is likely to facilitate the elimination of the remnant elements of the Naxal organisations as also keep a check on the activities of the front organisaations to spread their ideologies.
Kerala
38. Naxalism has its roots in the State dating back to heydays of movement in the late sixties when the States' groups were in the forefront of spreading the movement in the country. The State today has only the 'moderate' Naxalite groups namely The CPI (ML) Red Flag and the CPI(ML) (Unnichekkan Group). The groups are active among farmers, tribals and labourers. In recent times, its actions were mainly targeted against the MNCs/International agencies aimed mostly at drawing media attention through symbolic acts of protests.
39. Some groups propounding violence as the means of annihilating class enemies are nominally active, with the notable groups being the CPI(ML) Naxalbari and its virulent front organizations, the 'Ayyamkalipada' (an action wing for covert operations) and 'Porattam' (an ideological wing for overt operations). The groups are active in parts of Wayanad District, mainly amongst the poor farmers and efforts are on to spread their influence in the Malabar region (Northern Kerala).
Modus Operandi
40. The modus operandi of the Naxalites as follows [26] : -
(a) Force release of "victims of exploitation" from landlords and moneylenders.
(b) Dispense distributive justice through the expropriation of property of 'class' enemies and its division amongst the landless.
(c) Hold 'Jan Adalats' to dispense criminal civil justice, settlement of disputes and punishment of offenders. CPIML (PW) has introduced a new 'Judicial System' in the Dandakaranya region by forming the 'People's Court', i.e., the Gram Rajya Committee in 1995 and subsequently 'Revolutionary People's Committee' (RPC), as an alternate judicial system. The 'Judicial Department' comprising three to five members with a 'People's Protection Squad' at its disposal, delivers judgments and sentences including fines and imprisonment in a temporary designated lock-up in the village, apart from carrying out capital punishment.
(d) Extortion of funds from businessmen, contractors, traders and government officials; and creation of parallel administration in their strongholds.
(e) Annihilation of 'class enemies'.
(f) Hit and run tactics to attack soft targets and police personnel. Effective use of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) against police/ Central Police Organisations has also been witnessed. However, use of automatic weapons/high volume of fire is yet to manifest prominently.
Eliminate suspected Government informers.
Popularise socio-economic issues like land assignment, social inequalities,
lack of basic amenities, regional imbalances and capitalise upon them to discredit the government and to sustain the movement.
Retribution. Whenever their cadre are arrested or receive set-backs in the field, the groups resort to the burning of buses, railway stations, government offices and other public property. The thrust of such activities is to coerce the Government into adopting a conciliatory approach.
(k) Activities in a Guerilla Zone. The guidelines for various activities in a guerilla Zone are likely to be as given below: -
(i) Feudal power should be overthrown and replaced by peoples' power.
The land of the landlords and the feudal institutions should be occupied and distributed to the landless.
Armed "People's Militia" (Army) should be built up.
Taxes and levies will not be paid to the government.
All loans and interest amounts due to feudal landlords and
moneylenders will not be repaid [27] .
