The objective of this study is to unearth the influence of inadequate water supply on low income household's livelihood in Epworth a low income semi formal and fringe area near the city of Harare, Zimbabwe. The study views inadequate water supply as the shortage and lack of access to clean water for drinking and other domestic activities within the household, in other words the demand of water within the household is outstripped by the supply. In this regard, the researcher seeks to find out how households living in Epworth respond to the phenomenon of urban water scarcity on a day to day basis. Using qualitative methods, within a livelihoods conceptual framework, the study seeks to identify the constraints posed by urban water scarcity as well as the coping strategies utilised by the households to confront the phenomenon of urban water scarcity. This will enable policy makers and interested stakeholders to identify potential areas of intervention, making the study both policy relevant and theoretically ground.
Background: Harare's Water Challenges Epworth
Water problems in the city of Harare affect at least 3million people who reside in in Epworth , Ruwa and Norton. This is because the water supplies of the stated areas (including the Study site of Epworth) are interlinked with that of Harare. The problems are related to pollution, demand outstripping supply, unplanned settlements, poor planning, local and general financial mismanagement. This is also compounded by the lack of robust governance structures and mechanisms (Manzungu and Mabiza 2004). A brief elaboration of the reasons behind Harare's water problems will be made below.
Firstly, the municipality of Harare currently draws water from four water bodies with a combined net capacity of 739,857 m3.
Table One
Water Body
Net Capacity (usable water) million³
Percent of Fullness
Lake Chivero
247.181
94
Lake Manyame
480.236
65
Seke Dam
3.380
32
Harava Dam
9.060
30
Source: Zimbabwe National Water Authority 2007.
Lake Chivero is the largest water body and also the most heavily polluted (Moyo 1996). Hence heavy pollution means that more chemicals are required in water purification , many of which are imported , putting a strain on the already the cash strapped and internationally sanctioned[1] and isolated Zimbabwean coalition government. The dams are also rarely filled to the limits due to the recurring droughts and below normal rainfall experienced within the country as well as the Southern African region.
Second, Mate (2007) notes that, besides the inadequate and low quality of raw water, there are also additional technological challenges that the municipality of Harare has to contend with. she indicates that the city has the capacity to process 640 mega litres of water a day but because of its plant and equipment it is not fully functional, resulting in it producing on average only 560 mega litres a day. The daily demand meanwhile stands at 750 mega litres creating a shortfall of 190 mega litres a day. In other words the city cannot satisfy its own water needs and yet it has three other areas including Epworth, it is obliged to supply water to.
Thirdly, Mate (2007) also notes that because of the age of Harare's 3000 km reticulation system and lack of water pressure control devices , the city also incurs an estimated 30-40 % loss of processed water due to underground leakages significantly higher than the international average of 20-25 %.
Governance problems within the municipality are also rampant. As early as 2000 the Thompson report noted that the city of Harare was in a mess financially , administratively and technologically. This report highlighted gross mismanagement of funds with monies being diverted from budgeted projects to unbudgeted projects with no consultation. Plants and equipment are also in disrepair. Manzungu and Mabiza (2004) also cite weak governance structures and mechanisms as an obstacle to sufficient water provision.
Given the above reasons, taking into consideration that Epworth is a fringe are occupied by very poor and low income households it is hard hit by the lack of infrastructure and also water scarcity among its residents. Therefore the purpose of this study is to examine how a sample of households in this area are affected by water scarcity and also how households respond to the phenomenon of water scarcity on a daily basis. This is useful to policy makers researchers and other interested stakeholders to make inform
1.3 Epworth a brief overview
As stated above is supplied by the city of Harare. The area is a semiformal urban area on the edge of the City of Harare. It is located on what was previously a Methodist Mission farm since the 1940s which had a population of about 240 people. A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local Government during the 1980s. By 2002 the population was 113,884. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area, and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the long history of settlement by some of the residents. Epworth initially developed into four sub-areas but as the population increased it expanded to nine subareas that had extensive squatter settlements. Government decided to upgrade rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewerage and electricity are still lacking making water scarcity an everyday reality for households in Epworth.
1.4 Significance of the Study
There are a number of important reasons to carry out this study. One of the major reasons according is that the cost of providing sufficient water supply for urban poor communities is too high for developing countries. This makes it difficult for policy makers and other stakeholders to move this issue on the policy agenda especially when the cost-recovery factor is considered. Choguil (1999) quoting the World Bank, notes that infrastructure that includes transport and other utilities represents about 20% of the total investment in developing countries. This figure accounts for 60% of the public investment. If summed up across the entire developing world this amounts to $US200 billion a year. At household level the bank estimates that it costs about $US400 per year in both investment and recurrent expenditure. Therefore when governments and policy makers realize that there is no potential of cost recovery of any type of infrastructure investment made especially in low income fringe areas. Low priority is subsequently attached to the provision of water in such areas. This justifies an investigation of how households respond to the phenomenon of inadequate water supply. Such a study enables policy makers to gain information that builds on the existing capacities of households and the communities they belong to in confronting urban water scarcity.
Main Research Question
How does urban water scarcity affect low income household's livelihoods in Epworth near the city of Harare Zimbabwe?
1.5.1 Sub-Research Questions
What constraints are imposed by urban water scarcity on low income household are livelihoods in Epworth, Harare? What are the social , economic and political factors affecting the livelihoods of households living in the area of Jacha informal settlements in Epworth?
How do households in Epworth, mobilize their resources (social, financial, human, natural and physical,) in the process of coping with urban water scarcity?
What access points for interventions are available for stakeholders working to reduce the negative impacts of urban water scarcity on household's livelihoods?
Chapter Two: Literature Review
2.1 Conceptual Framework
The concept of livelihood is useful in understanding not only the negative impacts of urban water scarcity on households but also how people cope with urban water scarcity. Conway and Chambers (1992) define the concept of livelihood as comprising the capabilities , assets and activities required for a means of living. This concept enables one to understand the process by which people cope or adapt to various vulnerability contexts imposed by phenomena such as water scarcity in an urban semi formal fringe areas. The concept enables researchers and policy makers to closely identify the responses of households within a livelihood framework. Households can respond to phenomena such as inadequate water supply by mobilising their human capital, social capital, natural capital, financial capital and physical capital. The different livelihood strategies are also analysed to gain reliable and valid insights into the sustainability of the responses with regard to future vulnerability contexts hence the term 'sustainable livelihoods'.
In her paper Rakodi (1998) justifies the use of the livelihoods approach in measuring and studying urban poverty. She highlights that poverty should not be equated with low wages only but also to household size, dependency ratios and access to other income earning and subsistence activities. She notes that some households are permanently poor while others become impoverished, as a result of general life-cycle changes, specific events such as the illness of a main income earner, or deterioration in external economic conditions. The paper asserts that households with the most resilient strategies do not rely solely on wage incomes, but diversify their activities to generate additional income and other produce. The ability to diversify household activities depends on a range of factors, including intra-household resources and relationships, rights to property and environmental resources in both urban and rural areas, and the policy context. The resources and property rights available to men and women differ, giving or constraining access to alternative activities. The most vulnerable households are those which can neither rely on wage income nor diversify their livelihood strategies. The proposed study seeks to juxtapose Rakodi's analysis to water scarcity in urban semiformal areas. The study will analyse the composition of households , the income of households , the type of vulnerability contexts they are exposed to. The coping strategies will then be unpacked and also closely looked at in how the livelihood strategies are combined and diversified. It is important to note that the sustainability of the livelihood strategies will be assessed with regard to the responses of the households to future contexts. Diagram I illustrates the applicability of the livelihood approach to this study.
Diagram I
Vulnerability Context
Characterised by Constraints Imposed By Urban Water Scarcity ....Broader social economic and political factors .
Households React to Water Scarcity with Livelihood Assets
Human Capital
Social Capital
Physical Capital
Natural Capital
Financial Capital
Main Area of Study
The Capitals Interact with Policies and Governmental Institutions the Create Urban water scarcity
Households React to Water Scarcity with Livelihood Assets
Different Household Livelihood Strategies
Different Household Livelihood Strategies
Reduced Vulnerability
-Less water scarcity
-Coping with water scarcity
-Livelihoods maintained or improved
2.2 Notion of Agency
Embedded within the concept of livelihood studies is the idea of human agency. Abercrombie et al (1984) define human agency as the capacity of individuals to act independently to structural constraints. While Calhoun (2002) refers to it as the ability of actors to operate independently of the determining constraints of social structure. Concurring with the others , Jary and Jary(1991) view the concept as the power of actors to operate independently of the determining constraints of social structure. In this regard this study aims to unearth how the concept of human agency manifests itself in circumstances of urban water scarcity. While literature has ably noted the weaknesses of existing governance structures in local authorities especially in relation to water governance (Mabiza and Manzungu 2004), (Bapat and Agrawal 2004). It is equally important to investigate how actors within a certain constraining structure react and respond to and work independently of that structure to sustain survival within that structure. As a result this study differs from studies such as Bapat and Agarwal (2003) whose main goal is to highlight the importance of good governance if the need of adequate water supply for men and women in fringe and slum areas is to be met. In essence the proposed study shifts attention away from the weaknesses of local governments or politicians though important, to highlighting the strengths and potentials of the low income households in their responses to water scarcity in other words how human agency manifests itself in responding to urban water scarcity.
2.3 Sustainability of Responses
It is also important to look closely at the responses to water scarcity because not all responses are socially and environmentally sustainable. Smucker and Wisner (2008) identify the responses of households in Tharaka, Kenya to drought. He also analyses the sustainability of the responses. Drought is a recurring challenge for the people living in Tharaka, Kenya, a community marginal to the economic and political life of Kenya. Over a period of 30 years with a triangulation of methods of data collection (Smucker and Wisner 2008) note the resilience of those living in Tharaka, Kenya, as they cope with Drought as well as major macro level transformations that include privatisation of land ownership, population growth, political decentralisation, increased conflict over natural resources, different market conditions and environmental shifts . In this study various coping mechanism are highlighted which include sharing of insufficient food aid from international organisations such as World Food Programme (WFP), hunting and fishing , sale of livestock and moving into wage labour for wealthier households. Though this is a study within a rural drought stricken area, the paper highlights not only the coping strategies of the people living in Tharaka , Kenya also sheds light to the notion of sustainability. In similar light Moser (1998) analyses how households cope with urban vulnerability. Utilising the livelihoods approach the paper notes that urban communities in four developing countries adopt different strategies to economic crisis. Like Smucker and Wisner (2008) , Moser (1998) provide insight on some of the unintended effects of household responses to different vulnerability contexts. Especially relating issues such as social cohesion, family integration as well as equality within the household. Consequently this study aims to consider the various responses of households to urban water scarcity in similar light , making the study more informative and analytical to interested stakeholders.
2.4 Suggested Coping Strategies
In response to urban water scarcity grey-water usage/ reuse and water harvesting have been suggested by researchers as a coping strategy to urban water scarcity. Madungwe and Sakurigwa (2007) propose the utilisation of grey water within the city of Harare, where the residents of the proposed study areas, also rely on the city's water supply. Greywater is waste water from baths , sinks and washing machines. It was noted within thier study that it constitutes 60% of the outflow from homes. The authors cite examples in which greywater reuse has yielded positive results. In Australia the authors report that, greywater reuse has reduced freshwater demand, strain on wastewater treatment plants and energy consumption. Further, the study also reports that in Lebanon, greywater is a valuable resource for encouraging plant growth from nutrients that may otherwise have been wasted. Lastly, a comparison with Palestine is also used as another example, a country with similar climate and water scarcity conditions with most and sub-Saharan African countries also utilizes grey water in production of crops and citrus fruits. The authors then conclude that the use of grey water should be possible in African cities such as Harare, where nearly two thirds of the population rely on agriculture for livelihoods. In similar light, as a policy option (Nhapi and Hoko 2004) propose what they refer to as a cleaner production approach to urban water management. The study focuses on the potential impact of increased water conservation treatment and reuse. Strategies such wastewater regeneration, onsite treatment and reuse of wastewater, and other onsite treatment strategies are suggested. The authors conclude that the cleaner production approach to managing urban water is a possible viable option for cities such as Harare in particular. An estimation of about 27 percent in the reduction of water consumption in Harare by 2015 is made , consequently they argue that such an approach has the potential of solving water scarcity and water pollution if adopted.
While the above studies presented by (Nhapi and Hoko 2004) and (Madungwe and Sakurigwa 2007) are reasonable and well meaning. These studies however are top down in nature and lack reliable and valid insights of qualitative data of the activities undertaken by households affected urban water scarcity to counter-influence the vulnerability context imposed by urban water scarcity. There is need to investigate the initiatives the affected households are already conducting and assess the sustainability of such initiatives. The proposed research, therefore seeks to contribute to this discussion by investigating the means by which households in Epworth respond to water scarcity in an urban area such as Epworth, Harare. It takes a bottom-up approach in looking at the problem of water scarcity. Through the proposed study the researcher aims to gain valuable insights on the process of how low income households respond to urban water scarcity.
2.5 Literature Review Conclusion
In summary the researcher has attempted to shed light on the gap in which the proposed study seeks to research. Given the scanty information that exists in on how households cope with urban water scarcity, a phenomenon common to approximately 1.2 billion people (UNICEF 2000). The researcher aims to investigate not only the constraints of urban water scarcity to households , but also through a through a livelihood conceptual framework, to unearth the different coping strategies mobilised by households to cope with urban water scarcity. The lack of good governance structures and mechanisms within local authorities has been highlighted as a major hindrance in ensuring adequate water supply especially for low income areas. This paper deliberately takes an inverse approach to the phenomenon , and aims to look at how human agency manifests itself within households to cope with urban water scarcity, notwithstanding the significance of the former. Furthermore while grey water has been suggested by some researchers as a solution to urban water scarcity. This study aims to contribute to existing literature, the activities of the households in their efforts to counter urban water scarcity. In addition to that, the study will also analyse the sustainability of the responses and attempt to propose policy intervention areas for interested stakeholders. This makes the study both theoretically robust while also being useful for actors within the urban social development arena especially in developing countries.
Chapter 3: Research Design and Methods
3.1 Introduction
This chapter will highlight the context in which this study was conducted , as well as the methods that were used. The researcher will provide some basic facts about the study area , followed by the design of the research and the tools used to gain data aimed at answering the research questions.
3.2 Study Site
This study was conducted in a fringe area near the city of Harare. The official name of the area is Epworth. The area is a semiformal urban area on the edge of the City of Harare. It is located on what was previously a Methodist Mission farm since the 1940s which had a population of about 240 people. A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local Government during the 1980s. By 2002 the population was 113,884. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area, and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the long history of settlement by some of the residents. Epworth initially developed into four sub-areas but as the population increased it expanded to nine subareas that had extensive squatter settlements. Government decided to upgrade rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewerage and electricity are still lacking.
Specific Study Area
The specific area in which this study was carried is called the Jacha area or the Balancing Rocks informal settlement. This name is derived from its nearness to Zimbabwe's national monument, where the rocks in that area are said to be balancing in an 'geographically interesting' form. It is a national monument to the extent that the national government uses the pictures on the national currency.
In a conversation, the Senior Housing Officer of the Epworth local board, explained how the settlement came to being. He noted that the settlement used to be the place in which the residents of the 'Chiremba' (the more formal settlement) used to conduct urban agricultural activities to supplement for their food and possibly also increasing their incomes by growing vegetables and other crops for sell. Subsequently in the context of heavily relaxed laws that did little to limit rural to urban migration, the residents of Chiremba started 'cashing in' clandestinely on the pieces of land they were using for urban agriculture to the new migrants resulting in more than 300 household moving into the area, with hardly any form of services.
Jacha or Balancing Rocks informal settlement lacks any form of services. It was clear from the onset of the fieldwork that, there was an absence of any form of water infrastructure , electricity and planned roads. The residents access schools and health facilities in the nearby formal areas such as Chiremba. According to the Senior Housing officer, the reasons behind the lack of services are due to the nature of the landscape which is rocky, coupled by the fact that government is reluctant to formalise the area due to the costs it attracts and the fact that the area was actually supposed to be under preservation given the geographical uniqueness of the area. The Epworth Local board had however offered the residents pieces of land elsewhere , in an area called Glenwood where they could buy land for the following prices:
150m2 at $600 United States Dollars
200m2 at $800 United State Dollars
However the residents living in the informal settlement are not able to afford these prices given the nature of the economy, which has an unemployment rate of almost 90% and where incomes are way below the poverty datum line of a dollar a day.
Given the above context the researcher was interested in finding out how households manage to gain access to water in a context of limited infrastructure and basic services. The reasons behind this being that stakeholders can be make informed development decisions. Hence this section focused on providing a brief overview of the area in which this study was conducted. A general history of the whole area of Epworth was given , a mention of the sub areas within Epworth as well as the description of the specific area of study.
3.3 Gaining Access
To gain access into the field the researcher had to seek permission from the Epworth Local Board and the Zimbabwe Republic police. After gaining approval from the authorities , the researcher went on to familiarize himself with the people living in the study site while also making them aware that in the next few days he would be conducting research in the area concerning their survival.
3.3 Research Methods and Analysis.
This study is explorative in nature. The researcher seeks to understand how households in a low income known as Balancing Rocks (Jacha) informal settlement manage to cope with limited and or the absence of water supply and other social services. This study therefore seeks to shed light in understanding how households in difficult and low income circumstances respond to vulnerability contexts with the limited human , social , financial and physical resources they posses. The data also aims to analyse the data collected from the research within the livelihoods approach framework.
To gain data the researcher made use of qualitative research methods from the main unit of analysis which is the household. These methods were convenient and feasible to the researcher given the time and finance factors he had to consider. Within a period of four weeks the researcher obtained qualitative data from at 25 households affected by limited social services as well as water supply in the area of Epworth.
The methods that were utilised within this study are observation and semi-structured interviews. Semi-structured questionnaires were used to collect data. The questions aim to elicit information that will be categorised into the various capitals or assets households mobilise to cope with urban water scarcity. The advantage of a semi structured interview is that the interviewer does not use a rigid questionnaire, but will rely more on an interview guide, with questions drawn from the conceptual framework. Observation was also utilised in verifying information gained from the questionnaire and to also capture information that may not be elicited by the questionnaire.
3.4 Sampling
The sampling that was utilised within this study was mainly purpose sampling and convenience sampling. Purposive sampling was used in cases where the researcher had to find out information from specific respondents posing certain information. These were the Health officials in the local clinic and the Senior Housing Officer at the Epworth local board. Convenience sampling was utilised in the selection of households that would participate in the study. Hence households that had household heads willing to participate in the study from the specific study site were included in the sample. It is indeed important to note that the main disadvantage of this sampling strategy is that the sample may not representative of the households within the specific study site.
3.5 Data Analysis
The data gained from the research instruments was qualitative data. It was transcribed from research notes in the field into MS Word. The data was then categorised in to the different livelihood approach categories to enable some generalisation to be made.
3.6 Challenges Faced
The respondents who participated within this research were very cooperative. However there is a assumed association between research and development activities within the community due to the influence of the few non-governmental organisations operating within the area. This association raised expectations among respondents of possible development projects being brought by the researcher. The researcher therefore had to clearly state that the study was purely for academic purposes, but made assurances that efforts will be made to share the information with any interested parties involved in development work.
Chapter Four: Research Findings
What are the structural (social , economic and political) factors shape the vulnerability context of the people living in the area of Jacha informal settlements in Epworth?
Within the livelihoods approach households and communities are seen to be continuously faced with a variety of shocks, trends and seasons. In some cases households may or may not have the capacity to deal with such dynamics. This section is divided into subheadings that highlight the factors that shape the vulnerability context in which the households in Jacha Informal settlement find themselves in. The vulnerabity context of this settlement falls under factors which include the governance context of urban development in the country, the economy as well as seasonality.
Urban Governance and Zimbabwean Cities Spatial Structures
One of the main factors shaping the vulnerability context of informal settlements such as the Jacha informal settlements is the legal context in which they find themselves in. Urban development and management in Zimbabwe is mainly guided by the Regional Town and Planning Act (Chapter 29: 12). In its preamble the act states that it is,
'An Act to provide for the planning of regions, districts and local areas with the object of conserving and improving the physical environment and in particular promoting health, safety, order, amenity, convenience and general welfare, as well as efficiency and economy in the process of development and the improvement of communications; to authorize the making of regional plans, master plans and local plans, whether urban or rural; to provide for the protection of urban and rural amenities and the preservation of buildings and trees and generally to regulate the appearance of the townscape and landscape; to provide for the acquisition of land; to provide for the control over development, including use, of land and buildings; to regulate the subdivision and the consolidation of pieces of land; and to provide for matters incidental to or connected with the foregoing.
As a result of this act there are three types of plans in Zimbabwe namely, the Regional Plan , the Master Plan and the Local Plan.
Regional Plan
According to the act, the Regional Plan is commissioned by the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. After that a regional planning council has to be set up, with representatives from all local authorities as well as the main actors within the region. The plan must highlight the major existing land uses including key infrastructure areas of development, recreational areas , and measures for the improvement of the physical environment. It has to establish how the existing land uses will be connected to the proposed land uses. The plan also has to indicate the sources of funds that will meet the establishment of the proposed development. Furthermore the council has to state the phases of the proposed development and also consult with all the stakeholders to the regional plan in order to make them fully aware. Of the proposals and the implications thereoff. Within the act it is also a requirement that the plan is published extensively in all forms of media so that if there are any objections, they objections can be considered by the council. After all this has been done the Minister responsible can forward this to the President for approval.
Master Plan
The regional plan is then followed by the Master Plan, this is the overall land use planning policy document for local authorities in Zimbabwe. A local authority has the necessary legal powers to administer areas such as a town, city or district. The process to prepare a master plan can be initiated by the local authority or the relevant minister. This plan can be prepared by one local authority or a combination of local authorities. Harare's current master plan also covers its satellite , hence its known as the Harare Combination Master Plan. The process of preparing the master plan is similar to that of the regional plan. A committee made up of all interested parties is set up. The function of this committee is to ensure that all the necessary information pertaining physical features , population , and the economy is gathered and analysed. Logically the current situation and the future needs determine the planning proposals. The approval process however is slightly different from the regional plan in that in the master plan the President doesn't have to approve it , in this case the Minister has the authority to approve it.
Local Plan
The third plan under the Regional Town and Country Planning Act is the local level plan. This plan covers only a subsection of the city or town. It can be a neighbourhood, or the centre of the city. It shows the local use of the land and the various zones, the floor area ratios and the type of dwellings that are allowed and the maximum heights of buildings is stated within these local level plans.
Key Regional Town and Planning Features in Zimbabwe
There is evidence of planning in the way cities are laid out in Zimbabwe. Cities such as Bulawayo are said to follow a grid iron form of planning while even small towns such as Kadoma follow a linear design. This is also the case in rural areas where settlement follow features such as roads or rivers.
One can notice a clear of separation of uses in most towns and cities in Zimbabwe. Zoning is done in such a way that that commercial areas contain uses such as shops , offices and banks. At the same time residential areas are for residential purposes. Industrial areas are also divided into heavy and light industries. Industries are also grouped according to the amount of pollution they generate.
With regards to functionality, the roads are designed to allow for accessibility of all properties. There is a road network system where the smallest roads feed into a bigger road which in turn feeds into a bigger road and so on
The Economy and Financial Trends
Zimbabwe's economy since the year 2000 has suffered from extensive negative growth that has been reflected in the unprecedented hyperinflation, reported to be as high as 171 million percent. This subsequently led the government to adopting the use of other countries currencies' mainly that of the United States of America. The adoption of the united states dollar as the main currency has led to a negative impact as well on the households in the Jacha informal settlement. The fact that the little cash and investment is following the in the economy means that hardly any development reaches these households. Consequently they are unable to access goods and services .Within the balancing rocks area most households were not able to afford food to the extent that they were relying on food aid from mainly from the United States of America Development organisation commonly known as USAID. Furthermore the under capitalisation of companies in United States Dollar terms in both the formal and informal sector has lead to the a lack of creation of opportunities for jobs within the city of Harare . Consequently a number of households were not involved in meaningful work enough to sustain livelihoods.
Health and Well Being
One can note that given the highly food insecure environment most of the households interviewed are highly vulnerable to sickness and ill health. As noted earlier the households within the study relied on food aid indicating that they are food insecure despite the fact that food and other commodities are available in the shops . They lack capacity to access these goods. Combined with the lack of infrastructure and basic social services such as adequate clean water and proper waste management. Further to that the type of houses and absence of a waste management system, exposes the household members to a number of communicable diseases. This was also confirmed by the local clinic. The Sister in charge noted that a number of infections in the area of study resulted in Diarrhoea, Dysentery ,Scabies and Bilharzia.
To curb this the clinic was conducing various mothers information programmes. These programmes however where highly comprised by the lack of resources. The clinic even lacked access to clean water. The Sister in Charge lamented that they were not able to conduct some maternity programmes that require water even though the programmes where important for the community.
Seasonality
In the Jacha area households are prone to water scarcity as result of the seasons. During the rainy respondents noted that they had sufficient water from rainwater harvesting as well as from the shallow unprotected wells . As the seasons progressed into the dryer seasons such as winter and summer the water in the wells would become a little scarce. After gaining graphical presentations of the water borne diseases from the local clinic, it seemed to the researcher that in essence the households suffered a double jeopardy. The reasons being that when water is abundant due to the rains they suffer from a number of waterborne disease infections. When water is less they also suffer from the effects of limited access to water such as digging deeper wells, walking longer distances and general limited water supply.
How do households in Epworth, mobilize their resources (social, financial, human, natural and physical,) in the process of coping with urban water scarcity?
Community
