Apart from that, there were three Borneo territories of Brunei, Sarawak and North Borneo could join Malaysia. In the 1957 for Malaya, the racial balance was equal between the Malays and the others racial, but in the enlarged federation of Malaysia, the Malays and Brunei, Sarawak and North Borneo would slightly outnumber the Chinese, Indians and other non-Malays. On the other hand, the Grand Design notwithstanding, the Tunku's role was crucial when on 27 May 1961, and at a Foreign Correspondents Association's luncheon meeting in Singapore, and he had made the historic announcement of the possibility of the territories of Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak, and Brunei and the Federation of Malaya, those were get closer together in political and economic cooperation. Moreover, beside the Indonesia, the Philippines had opposed the concept of Malaysia from the outset, owing to its unresolved claim over North Borneo. The Tunku would later attempt to mollify both his neighbours by suggesting, in a Manila
Summit, the formation of super-federation known as "Ma-phil-indo", incorporating Malaysia, the Philippines and Indonesia, but they were not entirely assuaged.
Furthermore, the Tunku's 1961 announcement were complicated negotiations of the terms by which Singapore would merge with the Malayan federation as well as the intricate maneuverings by which the Borneo territories were cajoled into joining Malaysia. Initially, the Political and community leaders of Sarawak and North Borneo, they were opposed to Malaysia. They preferred to seek independence first in each of their respective territories, and form a federation of North Borneo states, but many were eventually won over by the convincing arguments of Malayan and Singapore leaders as to the benefit of Malaysia.
Moreover, in the wake of Tunku's proposal, however, communal-based parties emerged, each seeking to protect the interests of their respective communities. The Tunku announced that Singapore would be given autonomy in education and labour, and both the Federation and Singapore would work out common market and other financial arrangements, but North Borneo and Sarawak would be accorded special powers in immigration, customs, Borneo-nisation of the civil service, such as guarantees on the indigenous composition of the civil service, and control of state franchise rights. Singapore was allotted 15 seats in the Malaysian Parliament, Sarawak and North Borneo, despite their smaller populations, were given over-representation in Parliament: 24 seats for North Borneo, and 16 for Sarawak. In addition, the Malaysia that came into being on 16th September 1963 was a federation of many parts, and a remarkable act of political consolidation, but the political, economic and ethnic differences that the new state had to pull together and accommodate posed fundamental challenges to its aspirations to become a nation state.
There is having Political situation for the formation of Malaysia. As a part of its withdrawal from its Southeast Asian colonies, the United Kingdom moved to combine its colonies in North Borneo with the federation of Malaya, which had become independent from Britain in 1957, and Singapore which also had become self-governing in 1959. In May of 1961, the United Kingdom and Malaya governments proposed a larger federation called Malaysia, encompassing the stated of Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei, and Singapore. Indonesia was mildly supportive of the proposed Malaysia, although the Partai Komunis Indonesia was strongly opposed to it.
In Brunei, the Sultan was not enthusiastic about joining Malaysia, it was because there was nothing in it for him and his oil revenues ensured financial independence. Furthermore, a Brunei politician, "Dr.AM Azahari Bin Sheikh Mahmud", while supporting a unified North Borneo, also opposed wider federation. Moreover, British forces in Singapore responded promptly, and the failure of the insurrection was clear within 30 hours when Gurkha troops secured Brunei town and ensued the Sultan's Safety. On 16 December 1962, British Far East Command claimed that all major rebel centres had been occupied. Several United Kingdom and Gurkha infantry battalions were deployed to Brunei, with significant element in Kuching and Tawau, because the TNKU had support of the Clandestine Communist Organization in Sarawak. Indonesia Foreign Minister Subandrio, who was a leftist, announced that Indonesia would pursue a policy of Konfrontasi with Malaysia on 20 January 1963. It was a complete reversal of Indonesia policy to oppose the creation of Malaysia. President Sukarno declared that he was going to crush Malaysia on 27 July 1963.
There is also having local opposition. Political forces in Sarawak had long anticipated their own nation independence as promised by the last White Rajah of Sarawak in 1941. The predominantly Malay anti-cession movement, which rejected the British takeover of Sarawak in 1946, and had assassinated Duncan Stewart, the first British High-Commissioner of Sarawak, it may have been the forerunner of the subsequent anti-Malaysia movement in Sarawak. Furthermore, Left-wing and communist cell group had grown rapidly among Sarawak's urban Chinese communities since the 1950s and later became the nucleus of the anti-Malaysia North Kalimantan People's Army and Sarawak People's Guerilla Forces. It was known to the United Kingdom as the Clandestine Communist Organization. These groups had supported and propagated the unification of all United Kingdom Borneo territories to form an independent leftist North Kalimantan state. In addition, The North Kalimantan proposal was seen as a post-decolonization alternative by local opposition against the Malaysia plan. Local opposition throughout the Borneo territories was primarily based on economic, political, historical and cultural, those were differences between the Borneo states and Malaya as well as the refusal to be subject under peninsular political domination.
Answer of question 2(a)
There are objectives of New Economic Policy(NEP) are the eradication of poverty for all Malaysians irrespective of race and the correction of the racial economic imbalances in terms of income, employment and wealth.
The first, it was accepted that the federal and State governments and their various agencies and institutions would have to play more active and interventionist role, as to ensure that the Malays obtained a fair opportunity to gain more ready entrance into, and equality within and the modern sectors. New institutions would be set up and old ones sharpened to assist the Malays.
The second, the policy framework had to be consistent with and conducive to a high rate of economic growth. It would alleviate general poverty in the country by raising the general income level, provided growth was fairly evenly spread. It would be able the non-Malays to grow without hindrance while allowing for accelerating Malay entry into the modern sectors. Growth was necessary to create those additional resources, required to undertake the economic and social reforms envisaged without serious pain and dislocation to the system. In order to achieve such a high performance, the private sector was to be given incentives to spearhead the growth of the economy, especially in its rapid industrialization efforts and export drive. The challenge was ensured both rapid growth and an improving racial economic balance. However, the pursuit of these objectives could become competitive rather than complementary. Therefore, the Government would have to exercise flexibility in case of severe conflict.
The third, an active full employment policy would be pursued, so as to absorb the already underemployed and unemployed labour force, at the same time catering for new entrants to the market, stemming from population growth and making room for those wishing to move to new jobs in the modern sector of the economy. Moreover, economic growth had to be encouraged and guided along an employment intensive path. The full employment policy, would be like the rapid economic growth policy, was an indispensable and a strategic element of the NEP.
The fourth, it was developed the capability of the Malays: Vigorous programmers of education and training the Malays would be undertaken, so as to be able them to participate actively in the development process. Apart from that, education was assigned the important role of laying the foundation for the creation of a new common value system among the younger generations for the attainment of national unity and racial integration, those are for all Malaysians.
At the mainly point, the NEP was designed to achieve no less than a complete social and economic transformation. It sought to achieve the emergence of a new Malaysian society which would transcend existing ethic, cultural, religious and economic differences, and also provide for opportunities for advancement for all Malaysians. So, Malaysian would be proud of living in Malaysia.
Answer of question 2(b)
Malaysia's New Economic Policy (NEP) was announced the principal policy response in 1970, it was riots of May 1969 of the post-election race, which was resulted in a significant regime change. The events of May 1969 was involved a widespread residents rejection of the ruling Alliance coalition as well as a palace coup within the ruling United Malays National Organization, which could be called UMNO as the Young Turks was supporting Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, and sidelined Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, who had led the UMNO from 1951 and the country to independence in 31st August 1957. The Razak regime had seen the Rahman regime as having been conciliatory toward the Chinese business communities. The Razak NEP regime from the NEP, there was committed to increase ethnic affirmative of the action, or positive policies, especially on behalf of the ethnic Malays and indigenous Malaysians in general.
The New Economic Policy (NEP) had two-pronged, which is "the eradication of poverty irrespective of race" and "restructure society", which was to eliminate the identification of race with economic function. The NEP should create the conditions for national unity in order to reduce interethnic resentment for the socioeconomic disparities. In addition, the NEP policy was seen as pro-bumiputera, pro-Malay, and large indigenous ethnic community. The efforts of the poverty reduction had been seen that primarily rural and Malay and the policies principally oriented to rural Malay. Furthermore, the efforts of the poverty reduction had been uncontroversial, and it had declined over time in significance, the NEP was to be identified with efforts at "restructure society" efforts to reduce interethnic disparities, especially between Malay and Chinese Malaysians.
Apart from that, the NEP was associated with the First Outline Perspective Plan (OPP). The OPP was sought to reduce the poverty from 49 per cent in 1970 to 16 per cent in 1990; therefore, the poverty rate in the peninsula in 1990, which was 17 per cent, and the national rate was higher. The NEP's restructuring target was raising the bumiputera share of corporate stock ownership from 1.5 per cent in 1969 to 30 per cent in 1990. Furthermore, the government suggests that bumiputera ownership rose to about 18 per cent in 1990 and slightly over 20 per cent in 2000. There was although the government originally envisaged that much of the bumiputera corporate wealth would hold by trust agencies, private individual bumiputera ownership had risen from less than a third to over 90 per cent. In additional, much of the measurement of NEP achievement had been subject to dispute. It was exacerbated by the lack of transparency on socioeconomic data deemed sensitive.
Furthermore, the NEP had since ostensibly been replaced by the National Development Policy associated with the Second Outline Perspective Plan, and then by the National Vision Policy linked to the Third Outline Perspective Plan. Although the new policies have put far greater emphasis on achieving rapid growth, but industrialization and structural change, and there is the widespread perception that public policy is still dominated by the NEP's interethnic economic policies, especially wealth redistribution.
These policies are believed to be especially, and the important in terms of influencing public policies affecting corporate wealth ownership as well as other areas, education and employment opportunities. In other hand, ethnic discrimination primarily involves the business community and the middle class, where interethnic tension is the most acute. Furthermore, Interethnic business coalitions have become increasingly important over time, often with an ethnic Malay partner securing rents for gaining access to government-determined business opportunities, and the ethnic Chinese partner with access to capital and business acumen getting the job done, Such as joint ventures have generated considerable resentment, especially among those denied access to such business opportunities. In the other word, with privatization opportunities from the mid-1980s largely decided on a discretionary basis by the government leadership, there has been growing resentment and criticism of rent-seeking and cronyism. There was such disbursement of privatization opportunities also strengthened the leadership's means for patronage, in turn encouraging competition for party and government political office and upward mobility. The selective nature of the bail-out processes and procedures following the 1997-1998 currency, financial and economic crises have strengthened, rather than undermined.
At the last, there is little doubt that specific socioeconomic targets of the NEP have been largely achieved, later rather than sooner, it is not clear that such achievement has led to national unity, understood in terms of improved interethnic relations. In additional, associating improved interethnic relations almost exclusively with reduced interethnic disparities among the respective business communities and middle classes has in fact generated greater ethnic resentment and suspicion on both sides. Ethnic affirmative action policies as implemented and enforced in Malaysia, and having associated the interests of entire ethnic groups with their respective elites, thus generalizing resentments associated with interethnic, intra-class competition.
In my opinion, there is no racial discrimination nowadays in Malaysia. Therefore, the New Economic Policy is trying to improve racial relationship in Malaysia, because there is harmony with different racial. So, we should kindly to live together, because we are Malaysian.
